Theme Analysis of Jean Rhys short story "Used to Live Here Once"

To read the short story I am analyzing, try a Google search for: Jean Rhys "Used to Live Here Once".

Analysis of Theme and Literary Elements

            The short story “Used to Live Here Once” by Jean Rhys is full of symbolism. So much so that nearly every reader can gain a different perspective of the story’s theme.  The story begins with an un-named protagonist stepping over stones as she crosses a river, then walking along a familiar road to an old house that she once resided it.  Upon finding the house she takes notice of two children under a mango tree.  After several failed attempts to speak with them the story ends with her coming to a realization of her spiritual existence. This short story can be considered an allegory, as it has both literal and figurative elements that contribute to the understanding of the theme (Encyclopedia Britannica, 2013). Though it is not directly specified, the tone, setting and symbolism in this story infer that the protagonist is deceased, and therefore presents the theme of the story as the journey into spirituality and the loneliness and separation of such a condition.

            The short story is narrated in a third-person limited omniscient perspective.  According to Clugston (2010), “It is called a limited omniscient point of view when the thoughts and feelings of only one of the characters are related through the narrator” (sec. 5.2, para. 3).  The only feelings that are expressed are those of the protagonists and are dictated from the perspective of an onlooker rather than from the character herself. This perspective is effective in conveying a sense of the character’s solitude and distance from the rest of the world. This perspective even gives a sense of a slight distance that the character has from herself. This can be deduced by the fact that it is not told from a first-person perspective, which would provide the same effect when conveying a separation from others, but from the third-person implying an even further separation from the character.  In this way, the point of view supports the theme of loneliness in life after death, whereby the spirit and physical body forever detach.

            There is plenty of supporting symbolism in this story, which begins from the very first paragraph when she crosses the stepping stones of the river, recalling their individual differences.

“There was the round unsteady stone, the pointed one, the flat one in the middle –– the safe stone where you could stand and look around. The next one wasn't so safe for when the river was full the water flowed over it and even when it showed dry it was slippery” (as cited by Clugston, 2010, sec. 7.5, para. 1).

Not one word is wasted in expressing so much background information to the reader, while also hinting at the theme of life after death.  The descriptions of the stones being different, some safe and some unsteady, are symbolic of the different stages in her life: at some points trials and tribulations make the steps more difficult, in other times, there was rest and a relief.  These points are much like the journey from childhood through adulthood, beginning unsteadily and with uncertainty before coming to a flat point where late adulthood and a time of ease is most commonly assumed.  Finally, the description that is given to the treacherous rock with river water flowing over it is symbolic of the final point in life, where by either old age or accident, the body fails and succumbs to death. “But after that it was easy and soon she was standing on the other side” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec. 7.5, para. 1). This is the point of spiritual transition to spirituality.  The phrase “the other side” is often used figuratively for the spirit world. This implies that she has passed on.  The stones that she has crossed serves as a symbolic reflection on her life, but also expressed in a literal sense as stones that she recalls from a place she once lived.  This literal description is what the reader takes notice of first as it is not until the end of the story that the protagonist, and therefore reader, are made aware of her death.

            Upon walking further the woman takes notice of many physical changes to the environment.  The road is wider than she recalls and is said to be uncared for, implying the change in time and an overall feeling of being forgotten. Yet despite the condition of the road and the vegetation, she is described as feeling happy.  The sky is blue but has an unknown feeling to it that she could not recollect, which she best describes as being “glassy”. Glass implies fragility and reflection, which perhaps compliments the theme by of loneliness by hinting at the idea of the bittersweet nature of memories. The tone is both nostalgic and ironic in that the romantic sentiment that is attached with the feeling of a familiar place is confused with an acknowledgement of the physical characteristics having been changed. Such irony is seen also at the end of the story.

            The constant movement the protagonist makes as she journeys over the river, down the road, and to the house comes to a stop when she comes upon two children under a tree. “There were two children under the big mango tree, a boy and a little girl, and she waved to them and called "Hello" but they didn't answer her or turn their heads” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec 7.5 para. 5). In a short story, every image has an important use to the story.  There is symbolic purpose behind the children and the mention of the mango tree.  Both are a reference to youth and childhood. Fruit is typically representative of youth, new life, or fertility.  In this case, with the presence of the children, is meant as an expression of her childhood. She makes three failed attempts to communicate with the children, which are wrought with symbolism. Her inability to be seen or heard finally confirm that she is deceased and in a spiritual realm, while also remarking on the loneliness of her condition as she tries not once, but three times to get their attention. Additionally, her loneliness is confirmed in her approach to the children: “her arms went out instinctively with the longing to touch them” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec 7.5, para. 6). In this line, the tone seems to shift into a burst of sentiment as we can see that she has an incredible urge to connect with others.  Being denied the contact she seeks and the final understanding of her condition is ironic as one would not expect such a pleasant journey through fair memories to arrive at such a solemn awareness. There is an evident sense of pain in her separation from life and a devastation in the awareness (and possible acceptance) of death (Aubrey & Rollins, 2001).  This directly relates the theme of the journey into spirituality and the loneliness that results.

            The theme in any story is focuses on a broad lesson or understanding of life based on ancient or cultural myths.  They speak of what we know, or hope to know, of our existence. In short, the theme tells us what the story is about (Clugston, 2010). In “I Used to Live Here”, the theme is made evident by the use of tone, symbolism, and the point of view the story is narrated in.  These literary elements are key in understanding the value and meaning in the character’s journey.  While we all can relate to feeling nostalgic about places we have made memories in, the elements in this story imply a much more philosophical outlook on the journey she makes. Since life after death is not something anyone can speak intelligently about, literature relies on symbolism to express the feelings that can only be speculated on, and hence, are subjective to each person’s individual perspective. Her transition from life to death, the loneliness that derives from such an exile, and the difficult acceptance of her spirituality are thematic in this short story.

 

Reference

Aubrey, B. & Rollins, D. (2001). Jean Rhys. Critical Survey Of Short Fiction, Second Revised Edition, 1-4. Retrieved from: http://ehis.ebscohost.com.

Clugston, W. R. (2010).  Journey into literature.  San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.  Retrieved from https://content.ashford.edu/books.

Encyclopedia Britanica. (2013). Allegory. Retrieved from http://www.britannica.com/EBchecked/topic/16078/allegory.

 

An Archetypal Analysis of Kate Chopin’s “The Story of an Hour”

 

An Archetypal Analysis of Kate Chopin’s “The Story of an Hour”

 

There are several methods of critiquing literary works, all of which rely on the way each person interprets and responds to the material. In some cases interpretations vary greatly, such as when one reviews the material from a reader response approach.  Other interpretations, such as the archetypal approach, are more widely related among readers as it is made up of viewpoints that are the foundation for human nature. Often stories that incorporate such images capture the reader’s interest and make the story or poem more personal and meaningful. Having read Kate Chopin’s “The Story of an Hour”, I was intrigued by the depth of the imagery created for the main character as she experiences a journey through the grief process which can be universally understood through an archetypal analysis. 

True emotions can often get buried beneath stereotypical obligations and our own sense of propriety. Society, family, friends, even the expectations of one’s gender can force us into a status quo, replacing what is deep rooted and heartfelt for what is ‘appropriate’. In “The Story of an Hour” by Kate Chopin, the main character Mrs. Mallard, after learning of her husband’s sudden death, is overcome with a whirlwind of emotions that ranges from shock and disbelieve to a hard realization of relief and release from her role as a wife. I was drawn to this story by the use of imagery to depict how this exchange of emotion takes place and breaks Mrs. Mallard from her acceptance of the status quo. “There was something coming to her and she was waiting for it, fearfully […] she felt it, creeping out of the sky, reaching toward her through the sounds, the scents, the color that filled the air” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec. 2.2). What comes to Mrs. Mallard is her own realization that with her husband’s death comes her freedom to live her life as she pleases. Chopin’s use of personification gives the realization a sense of tangibility. Since thoughts cannot be held they can figuratively slip away, therefore the tangible quality that Chopin describes takes a firmer and more permanent hold over her character. Such a shift in thought and the breakout from the repression that is described of Mrs. Mallard is monumental is expressing the general quest for freedom and happiness that we all seek, and is primary in what captured my interest in this story.

The archetypal approach to analyzing this story draws on what we know about our own humanity in terms of goals, dreams, fears, and common responses to dilemmas. Archetypes in literature determine the structure of the story and the meaning that is implied, based on both ancient and current cultural mythology (Delahoyde, 2011). Myths and the cultures amongst societies provide a general understanding of the meaning and purpose in the elements presented in a story.  For instance, the term “tomorrow is a new day” would be considered trite and obvious if it was not laden with the meaning that we can always start over, or try again when we are met with failure or difficulty.  Analyzing literature by way of the archetypal foundations laid within the work allows the concept to be unanimously understood and therefore makes the literature itself more relatable.

Kate Chopin uses several archetypal images in “The Story of an Hour”. In the third paragraph the narrator describes Mrs. Mallards reaction to her hearing her husband’s death, stating “When the storm of grief had spent itself she went away to her room alone” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec. 2.2). The reference to a storm is significant in understand the feelings she had, how they came, and how they seemingly left her empty.  The archaic understanding of a storm in literature dictates emotion, and the wild frenzy that is creates in us. Additionally, storms represent a spiritual cleaning that is necessary after a significant disruption in life (Chopin, 2001). This renewal is seen when Mrs. Mallard leaves to her room where she sits in solitude and silence before accepting a fulfillment of new emotions.  She is left empty and sits with what is explained as a blank stare before being seemingly grabbed by the enlightenment of freedom.

In having come to such a state, the narrator describes Mrs. Mallard thoughts of “spring days, and summer days, and all sorts of days that would be her own” (as cited in Clugston, 2010, sec. 2.2). The image of spring and summer days are symbolic of new life and optimism, as found in ancient mythology. In the character’s case, such new life is symbolic of her release, or rebirth, from repression (Chopin, 2001). This concept is widely understood. It is of particular interests that the fall and winter are not mentioned as being seasons Mrs. Mallard looks forward to, as mythology suggests these seasons as the time of death, solitude, and confinement indoors which would be contradictory to the anticipation of freedom that Mrs. Mallard is expressing.

            Mrs. Mallard alone is an archetype that is symbolic of the martyr.  In the finality of the story, she descends the stairs with a sense of poise, self-confidence, and affirmation in her new found perception of life only to be stuck dead by the sudden shock, and ironically a great grief, of finding her husband alive and well staring back at her.  It is the nature and timing of her death that makes her a martyr as she held true a new sense of self, or spirituality, so strong that the sudden loss of it caused her a heart attack. Her freedom was given and robbed from her, jarring her between a life servitude, to independence, and back again. Her death speaks for feminism and the general view society has of women, particularly in the late 19^th century when this story was written.

            Kate Chopin’s main character and experience through the grief process in “The Story of an Hour” was written with the use of several metaphors, and personification of inanimate objects and thoughts, that filled the story with meaning. The use of archetypal imagery made the moral timeless and universally understood.  Mrs. Mallard may be personally relatable to both men and women; whether in the 19^th century or the 21^st, every person mourns the loss of their “freedom” in some regards. Release is found in the moments, as fleeting as they may be, when weights are removed and we are able to live for ourselves.  Such a philosophy is what captured my attention and what lays the archetypal foundation into this this story.

           

 

References

Chopin, K. (2001). The Story of an Hour. Close Readings: Analyses Of Short Fiction, 86-112. Retrieved from http://web.ebscohost.com.

Clugston, W. R. (2010).  Journey into literature.  San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.  Retrieved from https://content.ashford.edu/books

Delahoyde, M. (2011). Archetypal Criticism. Retrieved from http://public.wsu.edu/~delahoyd/archetypal.crit.html

 

The Captivity of Orca Whales, A Moral Dilemma (RESEARCH PAPER)

The Captivity of Orca Whales, a Moral Dilemma

Humans are curious beings.  They marvel at the wonder of the Earth and the many species that share it. Wonder is natural and with many other species, is reciprocal. With the development of technology in the past century, such curiosity and wonder has progressed into a utilitarian attitude towards the Earth and her inhabitants. This is evident in the practice of capturing and displaying wild animals for profit. Orca whales in particular have been the frontline of zoological attractions which offer the opportunity to experience “the energy and spirit of the ocean” (SeaWorld San Diego, 2013, para. 1).  Though some people argue that captivity is an acceptable form of conservation, captivity in the case of orca whales is a particularly exploitative and morally repugnant industry which poses health and safety risks to the whales and the people that care for them.

            The orca, formally called the “Orcinus orca” but more commonly known as the “killer whale”, is among the most intelligent species in the whole world. They are highly social animals as evident in the observations of their interactions among their own kind in the wild as well as in captivity. In the wild their group structures, or pods, are based on deep bonds between mothers and their offspring whom stay together throughout their lifespan (Orca Fact File, 2013). Science has suggested that orca whales display what humans refer to as “culture”, or specific ways of communicating, interacting, and hunting. According to the National Parks Conservation Association (2010), “the animals are thought to have complex forms of communication with different dialects (slightly different language) from one pod to another” (para. 8). Recent research has even verified that the orca brain demonstrates the presence of a limbic system – the apparent foundation for emotional life - more advanced than that of the human brain (Oteyza, M. & Cowperthwaite, G., 2013). These findings confirm the presence of a psychological connectivity to their environment and an awareness of life. Such characteristics relate to “personhood”, thus by most societies’ standards, deems them worthy of respect and dignity.

The knowledge of these animals’ biology and psychology poses the question of ethics regarding what responsibility humanity has towards these fellow inhabitants. In determining such morality the theory of virtue ethics may be applied. Virtue ethics by definition states that one would come to a conclusion on a moral dilemma by assessing what is most virtuous, rather than what represent the needs of many or by focusing on the consequences of the action (Mosser, 2010). Therefore, this theory implies the moral dilemma would be solved by considering what would be right in terms of the whales and not personal or commercial interest. Inevitably, there is quite the controversy over what constitutes virtue when proposing the questions that virtue ethics demands to be answered:  As the awareness of the complexities of these animals continue to evolve and humanity comes to believe that they are conscious beings, individuals not unlike humans themselves, by what right does society validate their abduction and imprisonment for the sake of entertainment? At what point does the proverbial line between research and conservation of these animals cross into blatant slavery and degradation of their species? Perspectives may vary, though after casting aside corporate greed and personal intrigues, it is hard to ignore that the captivity of these animals is morally corrupt and an abuse of human power.

Attraction parks like SeaWorld claim they provide a rich learning experience and inspire an appreciation for marine animals while simultaneously providing appropriate medical care for their orcas that would (in their opinion) not otherwise thrive in the wild after a prolonged life in captivity. This argument is quite contradictive; if it is true that captive whales have been institutionalized to a point that they cannot survive in the wild, it is the fault of the attraction itself for not only breeding orcas in captivity, but for training them to be dependent on humans when they are still only calves. While oceanariums offer efforts towards public awareness and conservation, the focus is on the profit received by displaying these animals as a product. Such attractions seek to direct the debate of morality towards the live capture of orcas from the wild which, despite a ban the United States and Canada has placed, is still being practiced internationally. The ban on seizing wild orcas is not enough though to satisfy the moral dilemma at hand. As of 2011 more than forty-one killer whales resided in amusement parks around the world (What to Do About a Killer Whale, 2011). Considering how many may have been born in captivity or taken from the ocean since then one could safely assume this number has increased – a quite unfortunate assumption considering how captivity affects their physical and mental well-being. In the wild orcas swim approximately 100 miles a day, whereas in captivity they are restricted to tanks that to humans would be the equivalent of a bathtub. Consequently, they face a series of health issues such as infections, disease, and a mortality rate twice as high as adult whales in the wild (Horgan, 2013). Several marine biologist have surmised that these conditions combined with the extremely advanced intelligence of orca whales can and have led to their psychosis. These facts are evidence that there is no benefit for orcas, and thus no virtue, in captivity. The virtuous actions marine attractions claim to make towards conservation, education, and awareness can be easily refuted. The argument against captivity is the most logical in terms of virtue ethics.

To act on virtue ethics would be to release these animals into the wild, if possible, or at the very least to a more natural environment where they are free to swim openly, hunt, and reclaim placement in their intricate social structure. While there may always be debate as to whether a full release into the wild would be possible for orcas that have spent most of their life in captivity, many agree that attempting it would be the morally correct action. For instance, the 1993 blockbuster movie “Free Willy”, featuring Keiko –a captive fifteen year old killer whale, inspired millions of children and activists groups to take such action. In a tribute to Keiko and whales like him, movie producers, schools, and several donators rallied together and raised funds for Keiko’s release back into the wild. After years of planning Keiko was slowly reintroduced to his natural habitat. At twenty-five years old, less than two years after his complete independence from humans, Keiko died of natural causes. While some claim the nearly twenty-million dollars spent to release Keiko was a waste, Keiko ultimately proved to the world that life outside of nets and tanks is possible after a life spent in captivity (Kirby, 2013). His story produced a tremendous amount of media attention in favor of his new life. At the time of his death, Keiko was the oldest adult whale captivity had seen.

            Unfortunately, after Keiko’s release society fell relatively quiet to this issue of morality, focusing once again on the wonder of these animals and the extraordinary experience it is to see them up close. Oceanariums around the world market such attractions in a way that appeals to one’s emotions, claiming it to be a once in a lifetime opportunity to see these whales. As advertised by SeaWorld San Diego (2013):

Dancing fountains set the stage as you connect with thrilling sea creatures and realize we are all part of one world, one ocean. Your soul is ignited as our worlds are united… and you realize that we all have the power to make a difference in this planet we share (para.1).

This appeals to the curiosity and wonder of humanity, and in so doing plants the false notion that attending such shows expresses respect for this species. It is a powerful message of rebuttal to virtue ethics, as it calls to the ethical egoist, who act in the favor of their own pleasure.

            Ethical egoism, the decision to do whatever it is that intensifies one’s self interest, is a prominent way in which business and consumerism operates today (Mosser, 2010). Rarely anyone can deny that seeing a massive killer whale leap from the water, flip in the air, and wave its dorsal fin is a thrilling experience. No doubt such a show would be hard to deny, particularly when its marketing helps reason away the negativity behind it. Consumers are led in, entertained, and left with little information as to what the lives of the orcas are really like. For some egoist, naivety is not as much an issue as is the blatant disregard for the facts. Most people cannot deny what is obviously natural for these animals and thereby what is right and wrong, though it is easy to ignore the facts when distracted by appeals made to their sense of entitlement… a condition that seems to plague humanity. Protest groups such as Mate call the practice of keeping orca whales captive “barbaric” and claim it is morally degrading to the entire community (“Protestors”, 2001). Affirmation to this ideal began to spread after the release of the documentary movie “Blackfish”, which first aired in the summer of 2013. Since then there has been a steady rise in awareness and debate regarding orca whales. The movie follows the life of Tilikum, a male orca owned by SeaWorld, while unraveling the truth and highlighting the deceptions that oceanariums hide behind. Regardless of the negative publicity the film caused SeaWorld, they reported no damage to their ticket sales after the film was released.  Despite the public’s awareness of evidence against captivity, egoism will continue to pose a challenge to enforcing what society in general deems virtuous.

            Perhaps the theory of deontology would provide further insight into the issue of morality. Deontology states that people must do as they are obligated to do to show respect to one another (Mosser, 2010).  The basic premise of this theory can be surmised by the popular phrase “do unto others as you would have them to unto you”.  A deontologist would argue that human beings have dignity which must be considered when determining the moral choices made when dealing with them. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as determined by the people of the United Nations, asserts that all persons are to be free from slavery and servitude (United Nations, 2013).  Such rights are based on the presence of inherit dignity that the human race possesses, which is parallel to that possessed by orca whales. Since research has established the orca whales demonstrate psychological characteristics similar, if not the same, to that of humans, then it can be deduced that they are to be treated with the same dignity that humans are entitled to. Since the human condition, like that of the orca whale, is universal and knows no borders the relativist would find no bearings on an argument against it. Based on this logic the theory of deontology, as well as the theory of relativism, denies any moral foundation in holding orca whales in captivity.

            Both virtue ethics and deontology present strong arguments against orca whales in captivity, though they both rely on an agreement that orcas have rights based on their similarities to humanity which is a stance that, no matter how far scientific data goes, will never be universally accepted.  For those less concerned with philosophical reasoning is the theory of utilitarianism.  This classical theory bases decision making on what action produces the most happiness for the most people involved (Mosser, 2010).  Many would say the most happiness is placed in viewing the shows that oceanariums like SeaWorld produce, much like the stance that ethical egoism takes.  While it is true that one’s utility- or their state of happiness - may be increased with the close interactions offered by these shows, the safety of the trainers and the audience should be of greater concern.  Orca whales are larger, faster swimmers than humans, and on a predatory level are much more dominant.  Though the last century has proven that people are able to control orcas behavior and ultimate dependency through positive reinforcement (or in some cases, food deprivation), there have been several recorded instances of injuries and deaths from interactions with orca whales.  Whether accidental or intentional, orca whales in captivity have demonstrated their ability to trash and drown trainers and others that come within close contact to them.  For instance, in 2010 SeaWorld trainer Dawn Brancheau was killed by Tilikum, the largest male orca owned by SeaWorld Florida following a show. While there are mixed reports as to what actually transpired, the official report states that Tilikum pulled Brancheau into the water by her pony tail, scalped her, repeatedly rammed and dismembered her before finally drowning her and refusing to release her body (Blackfish, 2013).  Such incidents are rare, but have recently been proven possible and serve society with the sobering reminder that humans are inferior to the physicality of these animals. In terms of utility, the enjoyment one receives from such shows does not outweigh the ultimate safety risks imposed to the audience and staff.  Rather, the greatest good to the public is to avoid close proximity and interactions with these animals that are not only uncontrollable when they attack, but are clearly only volatile in captivity as there have never been any reports of human injuries from orcas in the wild.

            There are many ways to view the issue of morality in the case of keeping orca whales in captivity, all of which provide different views of the argument which society struggles to come to agreement on.  The three classical theories all offer logical insight, from that of virtue ethics which considers what is best for the whales, to the theory of deontology which considers the duty we have as human beings, and finally the theory of utilitarianism which views the issue from the angle of the consequences it faces to those involved. Despite such logic, the selfish instincts of society fuels actions, such as captivity and the direct or indirect sponsoring of it, as produced by ethical egoism, thus denying the moral obligations that humanity has to its respective species.

Conservation is an effort worthy to be condoned when executed in the best interest of the animals involved. Since there has yet to be any indications that orca whales are in danger of extinction, there seems to be little purpose in maintaining oceanariums for such preservation.  Furthermore, human safety in handling these whales have been compromised. For profit corporations that house these animals for entertainment pose safety risks to their employees and the audiences that have been allowed to interact with them. Observations of the whales in captivity, as well as in the wild, have provided scientists with a deeper understanding of the psychological and physical needs of these animals.  They require space to swim large distances and an open sea to hunt.  They are highly intelligent social animals that thrive in their natural biologically formed pods and display emotional connectivity to their environment.  The more that is learned about them the more is required of humanity to make changes in how we live amongst them. Holding them captive and training them to do tricks is blatant slavery and degrading to their dignity. It is an abuse of the power that humanity has claimed and an ultimate estrangement from the virtues, ethics, and morality that mankind strives to uphold.

           

             

           

 

References

Anonymous. (2011). What to Do About A Killer Killer Whale. Maclean's, 124, 4. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/861842492?accountid=32521

Hogan, S. (2013). Author Decries Keeping Killer Whales in Captivity. Gloucaster Daily Times.

Kirby, D. (2012). 7 Things About Wild Killer Whales You’ll Never Learn at SeaWorld. Retrieved from: http://www.takepart.com/photos/wild-killer-whales/orcas-in-the-open-ocean.

Kirby, D. (2013). 20 Years After ‘Free Willy’, Was It Right to Free Keiko the Killer Whale. Retrieved from http://www.takepart.com/article/2013/09/24/i-remember-keiko-20-years-after-free-willy-former-trainer-recounts-killer-whales

Mosser, K. (2010). Ethics & Social Responsibility. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

National Parks Conservation Association. (2010). Killer Whale. Retrieved from http://www.npca.org/protecting-our-parks/wildlife_facts/orca.

Orca Fact File. (2013). ARKive. Retrieved from http://www.arkive.org/orca/orcinus-orca/

Oteyza, M. & Cowperthwaite, G. (2013). Blackfish [Documentary]. United States: Magnolia Pictures.

Protesters Call for Bjossa the killer whale to be set free, not moved south. (2001, Apr 21). Canadian Press NewsWire. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/359527961?accountid=32521

SeaWorld SanDiego. (2013). One Ocean. SeaWorld Parks and Entertainment. Retrieved from http://seaworldparks.com/en/seaworld-sandiego/Attractions/Shows/One-Ocean?from=Top_Nav

United Nations. (2013). The Universal Declaration of Human Rights. NY: UN Publications. Retrieved from http://www.un.org/en/documents/udhr/#atop

 

 

 

Relativism and Morality - Response to Lenn Goodman's "Some Moral Minima"

Not my most proud piece but still a reflection of my work. This was a response to the "Some Moral Minima" by Lenn Goodman.  You might be able to read it here: http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/good_society/v019/19.1.goodman.html

Relativism and Morality

            Relativism allows for an understanding of practices, customs, and values amongst different societies.  When considering the morals of others, relativism can often be necessary to comes to terms with different views of what is considered appropriate and unacceptable.  However, in some instances relativism does not, and cannot, provide an acceptable substitution for what should be considered a set of unanimously respected principles. Lenn Goodman, a philosophy professor at Vanderbilt University, having addressed the issue of morality regarding genocide, famine and germ warfare, terrorism, hostages and child warriors, slavery, polygamy, incest, rape, and clitoridectomy, challenges relativism and asserts her position that such issues are unequivocally wrong. Though my perspective on some of the issues Len Goodman argues allows for relativism, I am ultimately in agreement that there are some practices that are universally wrong; these such actions and customs, despite cultural and geographical differences, are and will always be a crime against humanity.

Humanity can be defined as the state of being a human, or humans collectively. While at the same time, the word humanity can refer to ones “humaneness” or inherit benevolence. Such definitions are powerful; it gives rise to the understanding that the condition of being human is more than just biological.  Despite diversities in culture, religion, and customs, there is a uniform characteristic that links humans. That is, the ability to feel and interpret emotions, thus illuminating ones sense of self and connectedness to their fellow man.  Such a knowledge of ones’ own emotions and that of others lends an understanding of the value, and thereby, right, to life.

            Such right to life, and more complexly, the right to respect of one’s humanity, is a primary philosophy that Goodman’s position urges. Such rights include individuality, which she argues is what genocide, famine, and germ warfare seeks to destroy.  While murder destroys a human subject, genocide targets a way of life; genocide is worse than murder because of its intent. The political use of famine and germ warfare targets humanity in the same way. Its purpose being power. Goodman’s stance on such cases are agreeable, for genocide is wrong not just for the fact that is seeks to murder individuals or masses, but for the hatred and disregard for the rights of humanity and the denial of one’s individual and cultural differences therein. With the use of famine and germ warfare those inflicted are eradicated, and from my understanding, are a form of genocide in themselves.

            Violence as a means for power is not limited to genocide, but is also apparent in terrorism, hostages, and the making of child warriors. Goodman claims that terrorism comes from nihilism, the lack of morals and values, and in the act of fighting for the morals and values it seeks, it produces nihilism again by negating the rationale it attempts to conjure (Goodman, 2010). This rings truth, for can we not witness that the act of violence and intimidation is contradictory to the outcome it wishes to serve? For instance, terrorist who engage in a suicide mission seek moral amnesty for the sacrifice of their own life, yet the action itself eclipses the virtue such terrorist finds in their sacrifice.  Goodman (2010) expresses this well, stating “Terrorist explode the values they claim to fight for.  Their victims’ blood blurs and blots whatever ends were meant to justify the carnage” (p. 89). The act of hostage taking is quite similar; persons are used for the leverage they offer, therefore becoming an object of terrorism. Similarly, the use of child warriors takes advantage of the easily manipulated essence of children, objectifying them and then leaving them with psychological scarring they must endure for their lifetime. Such acts are horrific in any society, their outcomes are tragic. I feel they are a brutal disregard for human life and all that it implies. 

            Perhaps even more torturous than death is slavery.  Goodman’s stance on slavery is that it is the ultimate exploitation of a person.  Using another as a tool for one’s self does not account for the victims’ interest, needs, or wants, rather making them subordinate to the needs and wants of others (Goodman, 2010). Indeed, slavery abuses and restricts one from their sense of self and is wrong on many levels. Victims of slavery are required to dismiss their ownership of self and to perform as a means to someone else’s end. This is a fundamental denial of human rights. Extended from this thought is my position on rape, which is much like that of Goodman’s, in that such an act is the most degrading and unconditionally acceptable form of a manipulation unto another. Goodman (2010) states “rape is exploitative, objectifying, and yes, again violative. But what it violates is not just another’s body but that other’s personhood, invested, deeply in one’s sexuality” (p. 92). The act is demoralizing and humiliating. It violates the victims’ body, self-confidence, self-image and ultimately ones’ psyche.  “Rape perverts and blasphemes against the trust and intimacy that give sexuality its natural and transcendent meanings” (p. 92).  Blasphemy is a perfect word in this case as such an assault attacks a victim so deeply that there is no greater form of disregard for another’s sexuality and intimate sanctity. In this notion, the custom of clitoridectomy is just as appalling in that it denies a woman of her physiological right to the pleasures of intimacy (Goodman, 2010).  The lack of sexual pleasures makes it difficult for a woman to form an intimate bond with her partner - bonds which are inherit in humanity.

            While in these mentioned instances I can agree with Goodman’s position on universal wrongness, I find relativism possible in the remaining concerns she speaks of: polygamy and incest. According to Goodman, “Polygamy transforms the nature of marriage. That is evident in the apologetics and conditionals that so often speak of the need or fairness by a husband to his wives.  The telling subtext is that it is the husband who makes moral choices here, the wives who are the recipients of treatment, fair or unfair, invidious or even handed” (p. 91). In this case and from the scope of my own culture, I can concur that polygamy is morally unjust, yet considering this is a choice in most instances and often derives from religious beliefs I regard it with a relativist perspective.  Kurt Mosser (2010) describes that arguments as seen through the lens of relativism can be understood in the context of one’s society; what is virtuous as it relates to one’s culture may differ as it relates to another.  I feel that incest, too, can be judged morally right or wrong through relativism assuming that there is not a condition of rape involved, and family members are not directly related. However, Goodman does not place cultural limits on such an issue.  She argues that incest violates the developing individual, affecting their hopes, aspirations, and their sense of self apart from their family unit (Goodman, 2010).

            Relativism in whole is challenged in the cases Goodman takes position on.  She describes no cultural, geographical, or even philosophical boundary that gives way for allowance of such practices.  Rather, Goodman speaks of a unanimous moral disregard that these practices empower and that humanity must take an undivided stand against.  These issues seek to find a common agreement of what humanity considers morally unacceptable.  Besides the few slight differences, I can endorse the claim that Lenn Goodman makes in asserting that there are certain practices that demoralize and violate the condition of humanity. Humanity itself begs for appreciation of life and tolerance on individuality.  Humanness seeks to express itself and to create physical and emotional bonds with its kin; it creates friendships, alliances, and communities that lends support and praises the diversities of its people.  Humanity as previously noted can be used to define the benevolence, or kindness, of a person; therefore, in its own nature it mandates a basic, unanimous, and unchallenged set of moral requirements that pledge to uphold and respect its fragility and beauty.

Reference

 

Goodman, L. E. (2010). Some moral minima. The Good Society, 19(1), 87-94.

Mosser, K. (2010). Ethics & Social Responsibility. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

Marriage Practices of the Twenty-First Century (RESEARCH PAPER)

This was a research paper for a cultural anthropology class.  The paper compares and contrast the marriage practices of three different cultures, paying close attention to the religious views in each.

Marriage Practices of the Twenty-First Century

From an anthropological viewpoint, marriage can have many definitions as there are many different interpretations of marriage and marital practices observed throughout various cultures in the modern world. In most societies, the act of marriage is a joining of spouses in a socially and spiritually recognized union. Within all religions there are cultural differences which determine courtship, the marriage ceremony and rituals, and the social and interpersonal expectations of spouses.  The combination of religion and culture dictates the observable differences in the marriage practices and customs in Morocco, India, and within the Amish societies in North America in the twenty-first century.

Culture is defined as the identity of a society based on common beliefs, shared morals, and specific rituals and traditions for which they live by (Crapo, 2013). Just as religion defines the beliefs and values of a society, the natural resources a society does or does not have is influential upon the selection of one’s mate and the needs of his or her family. For some societies, marriage is an economic necessity; the need for property motivates arranged marriages just as the need for field labor may provoke polygamy and large families. In societies where there is more industrialization, love and compatibility between mates is more often a determining factor for marriage. It goes to follow that religion and physical location account for much of the diversity in marital matters.

In Morocco, a country located in North Africa, nearly the entire population is Muslim and practice the religion of Islam. Islamic faith is absolute in their society.  As stated in Child Marriage and Islam (2012), “Religion should prevail over culture and not culture over religion” (para. 14). Therefore, marriage in Morocco is taken very seriously as laid out by the Qur’an, which is their religious scripture and law. The foundation of marriage in this society is their highly conservative faith and obedience of the laws of Islam.

Under Islamic law, men and women are seen as equals; neither gender is considered to submissive unto the other. They are considered equally independent and equally required to observe the law (Bakry, 1989). This freedom and equality allows for young men and women to select their own mate. Under Islamic law marriage is not required though highly favored in Muslim faith. Strict rules of etiquette for women and men are followed outside of marriage. The Qur’an prohibits sexual contact of any kind between an unmarried man and women.  Modesty is expected of women in public; their attire, called a caftan, covers their entire body and veils their face so that just their eyes are visible. This modesty is seen also in the courting process.  “Dating” is not a custom practiced in Morocco, rather chaperoned introductions are made by family and friends. Couples decide upon their compatibility through such chaperoned meetings, conferral with their families, and through prayer. Marriage is not forced upon either party.

The marriage celebration in Moroccan weddings can last anywhere from three days to a week, generally with the marriage ceremony taking place on the third or fourth day.   The festivities are a chance for Moroccan families to come together and display their customs and traditions through food, clothing, art, and music.  The first three days before the ceremony are a time of preparation for the bride. Customs require the bride to attend a sauna with her female friends and relatives as an act of purification, followed by the ceremony of “Hennaya”, where the bride has henna art painted on her hands and feet as a good luck charm for her new married life (HeyMorocco, 2013). The wedding day ceremony brings song, dance, and the tradition of “the Amariya”. The Amariya is a large chair both bride and groom are carried in around the wedding room so all guest can see them and wish them luck. Throughout the wedding ceremony it is customary for the bride to change her attire as many as seven times, the last outfit being a beautiful white wedding dress (HeyMorocco, 2013).  According to Islamic law the wedding night brings the virgin bride and groom together to consummate their marriage.

Marriage in Morocco is considered an absolute bond of faith, love and intimacy.  Celibacy inside of marriage is highly frowned upon in Islam, though to that degree relations must be a mutual choice as women do not lose any freedoms when entering marriage. Women are allowed to practice birth control; however, their selection of birth control must not infringe upon her husband’s urges. Sexual enjoyment is a large function of marriage for Muslims, though strict guidelines are laid out for intimacy for which the couple are expected to follow (Rizvi, 2013).

            The legal respects of a Moroccan marriage are laid out in a marital contract which describes the requirements each party has for the other. For example, polygamy is acceptable in their faith.  Husbands are free to take up to four wives unless otherwise stated by his spouse in their marriage contract (Bakry, 1989). Despite the value and sanctity placed on marriage, divorce is an understood necessity for certain situations such as the violation of a marriage contract. The role of the wife after marriage is no different than that of her duties before marriage, though many Moroccan women find happiness in caring for the needs of her household and family.

            Just as Muslims in Morocco consider marriage a sacred union, so too do those of the Hindu religion in India, a country located in South Asia.  In India, Hinduism considers marriage an obligation and a stage of life that is expected of all persons.  While modern day love marriages are on the rise, arranged marriages are still quite common.  Consent is required of the bride and the groom though strong social pressure is placed on persons to marry within one’s social status.  In this culture dowries are common. According to Srinivasan and Lee (2004), a dowry “may also have been a way of compensating the groom and his family for the economic support they would provide to the new wife, because women had little or no role in the market economy and would be dependent upon their husbands and in-laws” (p. 1108). Dowries are still quite common despite significant changes in Indian life that have brought more women into the workforce. Hypergamy, defined as the practice of marrying a spouse of a higher social status, is common and therefore the dowry is often as much a claim for status by the bride’s family as an opportunity for social advancement. Larger dowries attract families of grooms with more desirable economic rank; in turn, acquiring a large dowry from a bride’s family affirms the groom’s family rank in society. Additionally, families are motivated to provide generous dowries for their Indian daughters to ensure her safety and the respect of her future in-laws (Srinivasan & Lee, 2004). For some unfortunate women, physical abuse from her new husband and in-laws are the result of dowry expectations not being met.  Bride burning is not uncommon, despite the severe punishments for it (Jayaram, 2013). In such cases, husbands and the bride’s new in-laws would dress her in a paraffin doused nylon saree and set her on fire.  Often the claim would be that the new bride caught fire while cooking, though most cases of bride burnings go unreported. In modern India after the economy moved to an open market system, this tradition became even more prevalent with greedy husbands (Bedi, 2012). The death of a wife brings the opportunity to remarry, thus collecting multiple dowries.

            Whether arranged or not, marriage ceremonies in the Indian culture are generally elaborate affairs. Wedding dates are placed based on astrological charts. The day before a marriage both the bride and groom are given ceremonial baths.  The bride receives henna on her hands and feet, just as practiced in Morocco. Attire worn by the bride is a well decorated saree while the bridegroom wears a white cotton dhoti.  Gifts are exchanged between the families prior to the ceremony which is held in either a temple or the bride’s parent’s home by a Vedic priest.  Rituals of the ceremony may vary from region to region. The most popular rituals involve the bride’s father gifting the groom at the altar with new clothing before giving his daughter away to the gods, whom she marries first, then to the groom who gives his promise to protect her from that point on (Jayaram, 2013). Unlike American culture, feast are served to the wedding guest before the ceremony while the bride and groom fast until after their nuptials are complete. 

Immediately following the marriage ceremony, Indian women leave their families home permanently to join her husband’s home.  This is a particularly difficult time for young women as they are expected to adjust to their new surroundings and their role in the household.  Historically, Indian women had little to no rights, and certainly no freedoms. Women were to be servant to the men in their lives. As children, girls were subjective to the will of their fathers, as young adults they were to obey their husbands, and as they aged they were to serve their sons.  The ancient custom of “sati”, in which the wife joins her husband on his funeral pyre, was practiced as a means of faith and respect for her husband. In modern Indian societies, great advancements for women have been made, though many of these fundamental views of women in Hinduism have not been completely eliminated and are still considered the religions norms for many conservatives (Basharat, 2009).

Despite the lack of status women have in their marriage, Hinduism in India describes marriage as a joining of the souls across several lifetimes and is a means of achieving mutual salvation. Marriage is believed to be a sacred relationship requiring spouses to uphold their vows and obligations to one another. Contrary to the Muslim faith, Hindus believe marriages are not made for sexual satisfaction but for creating families and upholding dharma (the laws of the universe). In these respects, polygamy is considered primitive and immoral and is a punishable offense. The concept of divorce has only recently been introduced into Indian life as married couples were traditionally considered wedded for life. In 1955 the Hindu Marriage Act in India made allowances for divorce under specific conditions (Jayaram, 2013).

Unlike the marriage customs in Morocco and India is the marital practices of the Amish societies residing in North America. Amish culture is known for their simplicity, refusal of modernization, and their strict religious beliefs. The Amish religion is classified as Anabaptist. Anabaptist is fundamentally Christianity; the distinction between the two being the age in which they choose to baptize their members. Amish are extreme conservatives in all aspects of their lives. Each community follows an unwritten set of guidelines called an Ordnung. As described by National Geographic (2013), “the Ordnung stresses the virtues of humility, obedience, and simplicity” (para. 2). This culture self-isolates from technology, including electricity, and maintains their way of life by managing their own farms and livestock, which provides them with most of their basic needs.

Consequently, each member of an Amish family plays a valuable role in the household workload which is at its heaviest during spring through fall. During these seasons planting and harvesting their fields take priority.  Heavy workloads generally do not allow young adults time to gather and socialize. With the exception of specific occasions, church gatherings on Sundays are the only times for which matchmaking takes place.

For a young adult to be eligible for marriage, they must first be baptized after the opportunity to deny or confirm their faith. At the age of 16, young adults are granted “Rumspringa”: a limited time for which they are encouraged to explore outside practices or customs, temporarily breaking loyalty to the Amish beliefs. Assuming the young adult has dedicated themselves to the Amish culture and have completed a required 18 week instructional period, they are baptized into the Amish faith. In most cases, baptism occurs between the ages of 18 to 22 years old.  Once baptized, adults are allowed to marry (National Geographic, 2013). Matchmaking is often handled by immediate families. Ideal couples are introduced to neighboring kin.  It is not unheard of for cousins to be matched as relationships outside of the Amish community are forbidden. Typically, courtships do not last long in these societies. Marriage ceremonies are announced by the community bishop six weeks prior to the wedding, at which point it is customary for the couple to hand deliver wedding invitations.

Wedding season lasts from early fall to late winter, with weddings occurring on Tuesdays and Thursdays only due to ancient superstitions that have carried over into modern day practice (Schreiber, 1960). Despite the large amount of guest in attendance, weddings are modest and are held at the home of the bride’s parents.  Ceremonies are part of a lengthy worship service which begins as early as 8:30 am and last until noon. While the congregation of guests sing religious hymns, the bishop counsels the couple on marriage in a separate part of the home before returning them to the service and completing the nuptials. Feasts, which are served following the completion of the ceremony, are prepared for the wedding guests the night before by the bride’s mother and close friends (Little, 1997). The bride’s dress is sewn by her own hand; it is traditionally made of blue cloth, although in some communities the bride is allowed to select the color of her dress. Her wedding attire from that point on will be her Sunday church attire as well as the dress she will wear when she dies (National Geographic, 2013). Men wear a black suit with a white shirt, black bow-tie and a hat with a three inch brim.  For an Amish man, his wedding day will be the last day he appears without facial hair as the presence of a beard is a symbol that a man is married. Unlike many cultures, wedding rings are not given as a symbol of a couple’s unity as the Amish perceive jewelry as an expression of vanity (Little, 1997).

The wedding night is spent in the home of the bride’s parents where the new couple will stay until their home is set up. The honeymoon stage in this culture is a process of visiting family and friends, at which point they receive wedding gifts and are given advice for married life as older community members share the wisdom they have gained from experience. Hence, Amish traditions are passed down to a new generation.  The winter allows for plenty of time for the newly married couple to become more acquainted.  Women take to setting up households and preparing for spring, which commonly brings new life to the young family (Schreiber, 1960).

Given the shared need for work in the Amish culture, women are shown great respect for their important role in maintaining the home and the family. Women are submissive to their husbands; as devout followers of their faith, wives heed the direction of their husbands, particularly in public. Amish women often have many children as they do not believe in, nor do they allow, the use of any birth control.  This also includes the use of what other societies would consider natural family planning methods (Little, 1997). The abstinence from birth control increases the Amish population and proves necessary for the continuity of their culture. Polygamy is unheard of and would be considered a means for shunning, a practice in which the community rejects their kin for violations of their moral order.

            Though these three cultures have unique differences in their practices and philosophies on marriage, there are also observable similarities. For instance, the Amish prepare a modest ceremony on only one of just two socially approved weekdays, in India the ceremony is full of meaningful rituals and processes, and in Morocco lavish marriage ceremonies are held in the middle of week-long celebrations that are symbolic of their rich culture. The gender roles in these cultures vary drastically as well; Muslim women in Morocco are generally allotted as much freedom as their male counterparts, Hindu women in India are considered sinful seductresses whom are required to be submissive to their husbands, and Anabaptist women in Amish societies take a very domestic role with children and the home while men see to the land and political issues. Yet despite the variance among these cultures, there is a shared sense of importance and respect for the sanctity of marriage and the ultimate moral responsibilities to such a union, as dictated by their spirituality.

It is apparent that the value of marriage and the purpose it serves varies by culture, and that within each culture religious views are a dominating force in the rituals and customs of the marriage process.  Acculturation accounts for many of the similarities as immigration and contact between societies over several generations have blended customs together. In many cases the regional needs for marriage and family growth are factors in marital decisions.  Such differences and similarities are observable in the customs, rituals, and religious motivations behind marriage practices in modern Morocco, India, and Amish societies of North America.

 

References

Bakry, F. E. (1989). Women in Islam. The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (1982-1989), II(9), 17. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/222266797?accountid=32521

Basharat, T. (2009). The Contemporary Hindu Women of India: An Overview. South Asian Studies, 24(2), 242-249. Retrieved from http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/csas/PDF/5-Dr.%20Tahira.pdf.

Bedi, R. (2012, February). Indian dowry deaths on the rise. The Telegraph. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/india/9108642/Indian-dowry-deaths-on-the-rise.html

Child marriage and Islam. (2012, Aug 05). Kashmir Images. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/1031035928?accountid=32521

Crapo, R. (2013). Cultural Anthropology. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

HeyMorocco. (2013). Moroccan Marriage. Retrieved from http://heymorocco.com/culture/wedding-traditions-morocco.aspx

Jayaram, V. (2013). Hinduism and Marriage. Retrieved from http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_marriage.asp

Little, B. (1997, Oct 14). As leaves begin falling, Amish prepare for marrying. Intelligencer Journal. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/375256303?accountid=32521

National Geographic. (2013). Amish: Out of Order Facts. National Geographic Society. Retrieved from http://channel.nationalgeographic.com/channel/amish-out-of-order/articles/amish-out-of-order-facts/

Rizvi, S. (2013). Islamic Marriage. World Islamic Network. Retrieved from http://www.al-islam.org/islamic-marriage-syed-athar-husain-sh-rizvi

Schreiber, W. (1960). Amish Wedding Days. The Journal of American Folklore, 73(287), 12-17. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/537597

Srinivasan, P., & Lee, G. (2004). The Dowry System in Northern India: Women’s Attitudes and Social Change. Journal of Marriage and Family, 66(5), 1108-1117. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600328