Relativism and Morality - Response to Lenn Goodman's "Some Moral Minima"

Not my most proud piece but still a reflection of my work. This was a response to the "Some Moral Minima" by Lenn Goodman.  You might be able to read it here: http://muse.jhu.edu/login?auth=0&type=summary&url=/journals/good_society/v019/19.1.goodman.html

Relativism and Morality

            Relativism allows for an understanding of practices, customs, and values amongst different societies.  When considering the morals of others, relativism can often be necessary to comes to terms with different views of what is considered appropriate and unacceptable.  However, in some instances relativism does not, and cannot, provide an acceptable substitution for what should be considered a set of unanimously respected principles. Lenn Goodman, a philosophy professor at Vanderbilt University, having addressed the issue of morality regarding genocide, famine and germ warfare, terrorism, hostages and child warriors, slavery, polygamy, incest, rape, and clitoridectomy, challenges relativism and asserts her position that such issues are unequivocally wrong. Though my perspective on some of the issues Len Goodman argues allows for relativism, I am ultimately in agreement that there are some practices that are universally wrong; these such actions and customs, despite cultural and geographical differences, are and will always be a crime against humanity.

Humanity can be defined as the state of being a human, or humans collectively. While at the same time, the word humanity can refer to ones “humaneness” or inherit benevolence. Such definitions are powerful; it gives rise to the understanding that the condition of being human is more than just biological.  Despite diversities in culture, religion, and customs, there is a uniform characteristic that links humans. That is, the ability to feel and interpret emotions, thus illuminating ones sense of self and connectedness to their fellow man.  Such a knowledge of ones’ own emotions and that of others lends an understanding of the value, and thereby, right, to life.

            Such right to life, and more complexly, the right to respect of one’s humanity, is a primary philosophy that Goodman’s position urges. Such rights include individuality, which she argues is what genocide, famine, and germ warfare seeks to destroy.  While murder destroys a human subject, genocide targets a way of life; genocide is worse than murder because of its intent. The political use of famine and germ warfare targets humanity in the same way. Its purpose being power. Goodman’s stance on such cases are agreeable, for genocide is wrong not just for the fact that is seeks to murder individuals or masses, but for the hatred and disregard for the rights of humanity and the denial of one’s individual and cultural differences therein. With the use of famine and germ warfare those inflicted are eradicated, and from my understanding, are a form of genocide in themselves.

            Violence as a means for power is not limited to genocide, but is also apparent in terrorism, hostages, and the making of child warriors. Goodman claims that terrorism comes from nihilism, the lack of morals and values, and in the act of fighting for the morals and values it seeks, it produces nihilism again by negating the rationale it attempts to conjure (Goodman, 2010). This rings truth, for can we not witness that the act of violence and intimidation is contradictory to the outcome it wishes to serve? For instance, terrorist who engage in a suicide mission seek moral amnesty for the sacrifice of their own life, yet the action itself eclipses the virtue such terrorist finds in their sacrifice.  Goodman (2010) expresses this well, stating “Terrorist explode the values they claim to fight for.  Their victims’ blood blurs and blots whatever ends were meant to justify the carnage” (p. 89). The act of hostage taking is quite similar; persons are used for the leverage they offer, therefore becoming an object of terrorism. Similarly, the use of child warriors takes advantage of the easily manipulated essence of children, objectifying them and then leaving them with psychological scarring they must endure for their lifetime. Such acts are horrific in any society, their outcomes are tragic. I feel they are a brutal disregard for human life and all that it implies. 

            Perhaps even more torturous than death is slavery.  Goodman’s stance on slavery is that it is the ultimate exploitation of a person.  Using another as a tool for one’s self does not account for the victims’ interest, needs, or wants, rather making them subordinate to the needs and wants of others (Goodman, 2010). Indeed, slavery abuses and restricts one from their sense of self and is wrong on many levels. Victims of slavery are required to dismiss their ownership of self and to perform as a means to someone else’s end. This is a fundamental denial of human rights. Extended from this thought is my position on rape, which is much like that of Goodman’s, in that such an act is the most degrading and unconditionally acceptable form of a manipulation unto another. Goodman (2010) states “rape is exploitative, objectifying, and yes, again violative. But what it violates is not just another’s body but that other’s personhood, invested, deeply in one’s sexuality” (p. 92). The act is demoralizing and humiliating. It violates the victims’ body, self-confidence, self-image and ultimately ones’ psyche.  “Rape perverts and blasphemes against the trust and intimacy that give sexuality its natural and transcendent meanings” (p. 92).  Blasphemy is a perfect word in this case as such an assault attacks a victim so deeply that there is no greater form of disregard for another’s sexuality and intimate sanctity. In this notion, the custom of clitoridectomy is just as appalling in that it denies a woman of her physiological right to the pleasures of intimacy (Goodman, 2010).  The lack of sexual pleasures makes it difficult for a woman to form an intimate bond with her partner - bonds which are inherit in humanity.

            While in these mentioned instances I can agree with Goodman’s position on universal wrongness, I find relativism possible in the remaining concerns she speaks of: polygamy and incest. According to Goodman, “Polygamy transforms the nature of marriage. That is evident in the apologetics and conditionals that so often speak of the need or fairness by a husband to his wives.  The telling subtext is that it is the husband who makes moral choices here, the wives who are the recipients of treatment, fair or unfair, invidious or even handed” (p. 91). In this case and from the scope of my own culture, I can concur that polygamy is morally unjust, yet considering this is a choice in most instances and often derives from religious beliefs I regard it with a relativist perspective.  Kurt Mosser (2010) describes that arguments as seen through the lens of relativism can be understood in the context of one’s society; what is virtuous as it relates to one’s culture may differ as it relates to another.  I feel that incest, too, can be judged morally right or wrong through relativism assuming that there is not a condition of rape involved, and family members are not directly related. However, Goodman does not place cultural limits on such an issue.  She argues that incest violates the developing individual, affecting their hopes, aspirations, and their sense of self apart from their family unit (Goodman, 2010).

            Relativism in whole is challenged in the cases Goodman takes position on.  She describes no cultural, geographical, or even philosophical boundary that gives way for allowance of such practices.  Rather, Goodman speaks of a unanimous moral disregard that these practices empower and that humanity must take an undivided stand against.  These issues seek to find a common agreement of what humanity considers morally unacceptable.  Besides the few slight differences, I can endorse the claim that Lenn Goodman makes in asserting that there are certain practices that demoralize and violate the condition of humanity. Humanity itself begs for appreciation of life and tolerance on individuality.  Humanness seeks to express itself and to create physical and emotional bonds with its kin; it creates friendships, alliances, and communities that lends support and praises the diversities of its people.  Humanity as previously noted can be used to define the benevolence, or kindness, of a person; therefore, in its own nature it mandates a basic, unanimous, and unchallenged set of moral requirements that pledge to uphold and respect its fragility and beauty.

Reference

 

Goodman, L. E. (2010). Some moral minima. The Good Society, 19(1), 87-94.

Mosser, K. (2010). Ethics & Social Responsibility. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

Marriage Practices of the Twenty-First Century (RESEARCH PAPER)

This was a research paper for a cultural anthropology class.  The paper compares and contrast the marriage practices of three different cultures, paying close attention to the religious views in each.

Marriage Practices of the Twenty-First Century

From an anthropological viewpoint, marriage can have many definitions as there are many different interpretations of marriage and marital practices observed throughout various cultures in the modern world. In most societies, the act of marriage is a joining of spouses in a socially and spiritually recognized union. Within all religions there are cultural differences which determine courtship, the marriage ceremony and rituals, and the social and interpersonal expectations of spouses.  The combination of religion and culture dictates the observable differences in the marriage practices and customs in Morocco, India, and within the Amish societies in North America in the twenty-first century.

Culture is defined as the identity of a society based on common beliefs, shared morals, and specific rituals and traditions for which they live by (Crapo, 2013). Just as religion defines the beliefs and values of a society, the natural resources a society does or does not have is influential upon the selection of one’s mate and the needs of his or her family. For some societies, marriage is an economic necessity; the need for property motivates arranged marriages just as the need for field labor may provoke polygamy and large families. In societies where there is more industrialization, love and compatibility between mates is more often a determining factor for marriage. It goes to follow that religion and physical location account for much of the diversity in marital matters.

In Morocco, a country located in North Africa, nearly the entire population is Muslim and practice the religion of Islam. Islamic faith is absolute in their society.  As stated in Child Marriage and Islam (2012), “Religion should prevail over culture and not culture over religion” (para. 14). Therefore, marriage in Morocco is taken very seriously as laid out by the Qur’an, which is their religious scripture and law. The foundation of marriage in this society is their highly conservative faith and obedience of the laws of Islam.

Under Islamic law, men and women are seen as equals; neither gender is considered to submissive unto the other. They are considered equally independent and equally required to observe the law (Bakry, 1989). This freedom and equality allows for young men and women to select their own mate. Under Islamic law marriage is not required though highly favored in Muslim faith. Strict rules of etiquette for women and men are followed outside of marriage. The Qur’an prohibits sexual contact of any kind between an unmarried man and women.  Modesty is expected of women in public; their attire, called a caftan, covers their entire body and veils their face so that just their eyes are visible. This modesty is seen also in the courting process.  “Dating” is not a custom practiced in Morocco, rather chaperoned introductions are made by family and friends. Couples decide upon their compatibility through such chaperoned meetings, conferral with their families, and through prayer. Marriage is not forced upon either party.

The marriage celebration in Moroccan weddings can last anywhere from three days to a week, generally with the marriage ceremony taking place on the third or fourth day.   The festivities are a chance for Moroccan families to come together and display their customs and traditions through food, clothing, art, and music.  The first three days before the ceremony are a time of preparation for the bride. Customs require the bride to attend a sauna with her female friends and relatives as an act of purification, followed by the ceremony of “Hennaya”, where the bride has henna art painted on her hands and feet as a good luck charm for her new married life (HeyMorocco, 2013). The wedding day ceremony brings song, dance, and the tradition of “the Amariya”. The Amariya is a large chair both bride and groom are carried in around the wedding room so all guest can see them and wish them luck. Throughout the wedding ceremony it is customary for the bride to change her attire as many as seven times, the last outfit being a beautiful white wedding dress (HeyMorocco, 2013).  According to Islamic law the wedding night brings the virgin bride and groom together to consummate their marriage.

Marriage in Morocco is considered an absolute bond of faith, love and intimacy.  Celibacy inside of marriage is highly frowned upon in Islam, though to that degree relations must be a mutual choice as women do not lose any freedoms when entering marriage. Women are allowed to practice birth control; however, their selection of birth control must not infringe upon her husband’s urges. Sexual enjoyment is a large function of marriage for Muslims, though strict guidelines are laid out for intimacy for which the couple are expected to follow (Rizvi, 2013).

            The legal respects of a Moroccan marriage are laid out in a marital contract which describes the requirements each party has for the other. For example, polygamy is acceptable in their faith.  Husbands are free to take up to four wives unless otherwise stated by his spouse in their marriage contract (Bakry, 1989). Despite the value and sanctity placed on marriage, divorce is an understood necessity for certain situations such as the violation of a marriage contract. The role of the wife after marriage is no different than that of her duties before marriage, though many Moroccan women find happiness in caring for the needs of her household and family.

            Just as Muslims in Morocco consider marriage a sacred union, so too do those of the Hindu religion in India, a country located in South Asia.  In India, Hinduism considers marriage an obligation and a stage of life that is expected of all persons.  While modern day love marriages are on the rise, arranged marriages are still quite common.  Consent is required of the bride and the groom though strong social pressure is placed on persons to marry within one’s social status.  In this culture dowries are common. According to Srinivasan and Lee (2004), a dowry “may also have been a way of compensating the groom and his family for the economic support they would provide to the new wife, because women had little or no role in the market economy and would be dependent upon their husbands and in-laws” (p. 1108). Dowries are still quite common despite significant changes in Indian life that have brought more women into the workforce. Hypergamy, defined as the practice of marrying a spouse of a higher social status, is common and therefore the dowry is often as much a claim for status by the bride’s family as an opportunity for social advancement. Larger dowries attract families of grooms with more desirable economic rank; in turn, acquiring a large dowry from a bride’s family affirms the groom’s family rank in society. Additionally, families are motivated to provide generous dowries for their Indian daughters to ensure her safety and the respect of her future in-laws (Srinivasan & Lee, 2004). For some unfortunate women, physical abuse from her new husband and in-laws are the result of dowry expectations not being met.  Bride burning is not uncommon, despite the severe punishments for it (Jayaram, 2013). In such cases, husbands and the bride’s new in-laws would dress her in a paraffin doused nylon saree and set her on fire.  Often the claim would be that the new bride caught fire while cooking, though most cases of bride burnings go unreported. In modern India after the economy moved to an open market system, this tradition became even more prevalent with greedy husbands (Bedi, 2012). The death of a wife brings the opportunity to remarry, thus collecting multiple dowries.

            Whether arranged or not, marriage ceremonies in the Indian culture are generally elaborate affairs. Wedding dates are placed based on astrological charts. The day before a marriage both the bride and groom are given ceremonial baths.  The bride receives henna on her hands and feet, just as practiced in Morocco. Attire worn by the bride is a well decorated saree while the bridegroom wears a white cotton dhoti.  Gifts are exchanged between the families prior to the ceremony which is held in either a temple or the bride’s parent’s home by a Vedic priest.  Rituals of the ceremony may vary from region to region. The most popular rituals involve the bride’s father gifting the groom at the altar with new clothing before giving his daughter away to the gods, whom she marries first, then to the groom who gives his promise to protect her from that point on (Jayaram, 2013). Unlike American culture, feast are served to the wedding guest before the ceremony while the bride and groom fast until after their nuptials are complete. 

Immediately following the marriage ceremony, Indian women leave their families home permanently to join her husband’s home.  This is a particularly difficult time for young women as they are expected to adjust to their new surroundings and their role in the household.  Historically, Indian women had little to no rights, and certainly no freedoms. Women were to be servant to the men in their lives. As children, girls were subjective to the will of their fathers, as young adults they were to obey their husbands, and as they aged they were to serve their sons.  The ancient custom of “sati”, in which the wife joins her husband on his funeral pyre, was practiced as a means of faith and respect for her husband. In modern Indian societies, great advancements for women have been made, though many of these fundamental views of women in Hinduism have not been completely eliminated and are still considered the religions norms for many conservatives (Basharat, 2009).

Despite the lack of status women have in their marriage, Hinduism in India describes marriage as a joining of the souls across several lifetimes and is a means of achieving mutual salvation. Marriage is believed to be a sacred relationship requiring spouses to uphold their vows and obligations to one another. Contrary to the Muslim faith, Hindus believe marriages are not made for sexual satisfaction but for creating families and upholding dharma (the laws of the universe). In these respects, polygamy is considered primitive and immoral and is a punishable offense. The concept of divorce has only recently been introduced into Indian life as married couples were traditionally considered wedded for life. In 1955 the Hindu Marriage Act in India made allowances for divorce under specific conditions (Jayaram, 2013).

Unlike the marriage customs in Morocco and India is the marital practices of the Amish societies residing in North America. Amish culture is known for their simplicity, refusal of modernization, and their strict religious beliefs. The Amish religion is classified as Anabaptist. Anabaptist is fundamentally Christianity; the distinction between the two being the age in which they choose to baptize their members. Amish are extreme conservatives in all aspects of their lives. Each community follows an unwritten set of guidelines called an Ordnung. As described by National Geographic (2013), “the Ordnung stresses the virtues of humility, obedience, and simplicity” (para. 2). This culture self-isolates from technology, including electricity, and maintains their way of life by managing their own farms and livestock, which provides them with most of their basic needs.

Consequently, each member of an Amish family plays a valuable role in the household workload which is at its heaviest during spring through fall. During these seasons planting and harvesting their fields take priority.  Heavy workloads generally do not allow young adults time to gather and socialize. With the exception of specific occasions, church gatherings on Sundays are the only times for which matchmaking takes place.

For a young adult to be eligible for marriage, they must first be baptized after the opportunity to deny or confirm their faith. At the age of 16, young adults are granted “Rumspringa”: a limited time for which they are encouraged to explore outside practices or customs, temporarily breaking loyalty to the Amish beliefs. Assuming the young adult has dedicated themselves to the Amish culture and have completed a required 18 week instructional period, they are baptized into the Amish faith. In most cases, baptism occurs between the ages of 18 to 22 years old.  Once baptized, adults are allowed to marry (National Geographic, 2013). Matchmaking is often handled by immediate families. Ideal couples are introduced to neighboring kin.  It is not unheard of for cousins to be matched as relationships outside of the Amish community are forbidden. Typically, courtships do not last long in these societies. Marriage ceremonies are announced by the community bishop six weeks prior to the wedding, at which point it is customary for the couple to hand deliver wedding invitations.

Wedding season lasts from early fall to late winter, with weddings occurring on Tuesdays and Thursdays only due to ancient superstitions that have carried over into modern day practice (Schreiber, 1960). Despite the large amount of guest in attendance, weddings are modest and are held at the home of the bride’s parents.  Ceremonies are part of a lengthy worship service which begins as early as 8:30 am and last until noon. While the congregation of guests sing religious hymns, the bishop counsels the couple on marriage in a separate part of the home before returning them to the service and completing the nuptials. Feasts, which are served following the completion of the ceremony, are prepared for the wedding guests the night before by the bride’s mother and close friends (Little, 1997). The bride’s dress is sewn by her own hand; it is traditionally made of blue cloth, although in some communities the bride is allowed to select the color of her dress. Her wedding attire from that point on will be her Sunday church attire as well as the dress she will wear when she dies (National Geographic, 2013). Men wear a black suit with a white shirt, black bow-tie and a hat with a three inch brim.  For an Amish man, his wedding day will be the last day he appears without facial hair as the presence of a beard is a symbol that a man is married. Unlike many cultures, wedding rings are not given as a symbol of a couple’s unity as the Amish perceive jewelry as an expression of vanity (Little, 1997).

The wedding night is spent in the home of the bride’s parents where the new couple will stay until their home is set up. The honeymoon stage in this culture is a process of visiting family and friends, at which point they receive wedding gifts and are given advice for married life as older community members share the wisdom they have gained from experience. Hence, Amish traditions are passed down to a new generation.  The winter allows for plenty of time for the newly married couple to become more acquainted.  Women take to setting up households and preparing for spring, which commonly brings new life to the young family (Schreiber, 1960).

Given the shared need for work in the Amish culture, women are shown great respect for their important role in maintaining the home and the family. Women are submissive to their husbands; as devout followers of their faith, wives heed the direction of their husbands, particularly in public. Amish women often have many children as they do not believe in, nor do they allow, the use of any birth control.  This also includes the use of what other societies would consider natural family planning methods (Little, 1997). The abstinence from birth control increases the Amish population and proves necessary for the continuity of their culture. Polygamy is unheard of and would be considered a means for shunning, a practice in which the community rejects their kin for violations of their moral order.

            Though these three cultures have unique differences in their practices and philosophies on marriage, there are also observable similarities. For instance, the Amish prepare a modest ceremony on only one of just two socially approved weekdays, in India the ceremony is full of meaningful rituals and processes, and in Morocco lavish marriage ceremonies are held in the middle of week-long celebrations that are symbolic of their rich culture. The gender roles in these cultures vary drastically as well; Muslim women in Morocco are generally allotted as much freedom as their male counterparts, Hindu women in India are considered sinful seductresses whom are required to be submissive to their husbands, and Anabaptist women in Amish societies take a very domestic role with children and the home while men see to the land and political issues. Yet despite the variance among these cultures, there is a shared sense of importance and respect for the sanctity of marriage and the ultimate moral responsibilities to such a union, as dictated by their spirituality.

It is apparent that the value of marriage and the purpose it serves varies by culture, and that within each culture religious views are a dominating force in the rituals and customs of the marriage process.  Acculturation accounts for many of the similarities as immigration and contact between societies over several generations have blended customs together. In many cases the regional needs for marriage and family growth are factors in marital decisions.  Such differences and similarities are observable in the customs, rituals, and religious motivations behind marriage practices in modern Morocco, India, and Amish societies of North America.

 

References

Bakry, F. E. (1989). Women in Islam. The Washington Report on Middle East Affairs (1982-1989), II(9), 17. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/222266797?accountid=32521

Basharat, T. (2009). The Contemporary Hindu Women of India: An Overview. South Asian Studies, 24(2), 242-249. Retrieved from http://pu.edu.pk/images/journal/csas/PDF/5-Dr.%20Tahira.pdf.

Bedi, R. (2012, February). Indian dowry deaths on the rise. The Telegraph. Retrieved from http://www.telegraph.co.uk/news/worldnews/asia/india/9108642/Indian-dowry-deaths-on-the-rise.html

Child marriage and Islam. (2012, Aug 05). Kashmir Images. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/1031035928?accountid=32521

Crapo, R. (2013). Cultural Anthropology. San Diego, CA: Bridgepoint Education, Inc.

HeyMorocco. (2013). Moroccan Marriage. Retrieved from http://heymorocco.com/culture/wedding-traditions-morocco.aspx

Jayaram, V. (2013). Hinduism and Marriage. Retrieved from http://www.hinduwebsite.com/hinduism/h_marriage.asp

Little, B. (1997, Oct 14). As leaves begin falling, Amish prepare for marrying. Intelligencer Journal. Retrieved from http://search.proquest.com/docview/375256303?accountid=32521

National Geographic. (2013). Amish: Out of Order Facts. National Geographic Society. Retrieved from http://channel.nationalgeographic.com/channel/amish-out-of-order/articles/amish-out-of-order-facts/

Rizvi, S. (2013). Islamic Marriage. World Islamic Network. Retrieved from http://www.al-islam.org/islamic-marriage-syed-athar-husain-sh-rizvi

Schreiber, W. (1960). Amish Wedding Days. The Journal of American Folklore, 73(287), 12-17. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/537597

Srinivasan, P., & Lee, G. (2004). The Dowry System in Northern India: Women’s Attitudes and Social Change. Journal of Marriage and Family, 66(5), 1108-1117. Retrieved from http://www.jstor.org/stable/3600328